Vol. 10, No. 51
Covering Cases Published in the Advance Sheets through Dec. 22, 2003

Note: This Visitor's version of Punch and Jurists does not include all the cases covered in the Member's version. In addition, while the Member's version contains links to the full text of all of the decisions noted below, that feature is not available in the Visitor's Edition. Thus, while the names of some of the cases cited below may be highlighted in blue, they are not hypertext-linked to the official decision in this Visitor's Edition of Punch and Jurists.

Supreme Court

Mandatory Minimum Sentences and the Need for Individualized Drug Findings

Guidelines

Ruling on 911 Calls Reversed


Illinois v. Lidster, No. 02-1060 (U.S. Sup. Ct. 01/13/2003) (Justice Breyer)

In this case the Court considered whether the police may set up a random highway checkpoint as an investigational tool for the purpose of seeking information from the occupants of the passing vehicles about another recent crime that had taken place in the same general area. Holding that the resulting stops were brief and “interfered only minimally with liberty of the sort the Fourth Amendment seeks to protect,” the Court, by a vote of 6 to 3, held that such information seeking roadblocks were “reasonable and hence constitutional.”

In August, 1997, Robert Lidster, the respondent, was driving a minivan on an Illinois highway when he was pulled over and stopped at a random checkpoint. The checkpoint had been established by the police in the hope of obtaining more information about an accident that had occurred a week earlier, at about the same place, in which an unknown motorist struck and killed a 70-year old bicyclist. The police used the roadblock to pass out flyers and to ask for information from motorists who might have witnessed the fatal hit-and-run accident.

The officer who stopped Lidster smelled alcohol on his breath. Lidster was then waived off the road where another officer administered a sobriety test; and, when he failed that test, Lidster was arrested and charged with driving under the influence of alcohol. After he was tried and convicted on that charge, Lidster challenged the lawfulness of his arrest and conviction on the ground that the government had obtained much of the relevant evidence against him through the use of a checkpoint that violated the Fourth Amendment.

The Illinois appellate courts concluded that the case was governed by the Supreme Court’s decision in Indianapolis v. Edmond, 531 U.S. 32 (2000); and, on that basis, they held that Lidster’s stop was unconstitutional and they vacated his conviction. The state then appealed to the Supreme Court which reversed.

Edmond also involved a highway checkpoint, at which the police stopped vehicles to look for evidence of drug crimes committed by the occupants of those vehicles. In that case, the Supreme Court found that the police had set up the checkpoint primarily for general “crime control” purposes, i.e., “to detect evidence of ordinary criminal wrongdoing.” (Edmond, id., at 41.) The Court noted that the stop in Edmond was made without any individualized suspicion of a crime; and it held that the Fourth Amendment forbids such stops, in the absence of special circumstances.

Writing for the majority in the instant case, Justice Breyer carefully distinguished the facts from those in Edmond. He wrote:

“The checkpoint stop here differs significantly from that in Edmond. The stop’s primary law enforcement purpose was not to determine whether a vehicle’s occupants were committing a crime, but to ask the vehicle’s occupants, as members of the general public, for their help in providing information about a crime in all likelihood committed by others. The police expected the information elicited to help them apprehend, not the vehicle’s occupants, but other individuals.”

In judging the reasonableness, and hence the constitutionality, of the roadblock in this case, the Court looked to “the gravity of the public concerns served by the seizure, the degree to which the seizure advances the public interest, and the severity of the interference with individual liberty.” On the question of how much intrusiveness is permissible, the majority concluded that roadblocks like the one at issue in this case were neither lengthy, intrusive or intimidating. The majority stated: “Viewed objectively, each stop required only a brief wait in line - a very few minutes at most. Contact with the police lasted only a few seconds. . . . Viewed subjectively, the contact provided little reason for anxiety or alarm . . . and there is no allegation that the police acted in a discriminatory or otherwise unlawful manner while questioning motorists during stops.”

Three of the Justices dissented - but only on some of the issues and, even then, rather mildly for a Fourth Amendment ruling that represents another restriction on personal freedom. In a brief opinion written by Justice Stevens, the dissenters merely expressed doubts that a random sample of drivers would yield any useful information; and they suggested that some of the issues at stake would have been better resolved by the Illinois courts who were “more familiar” with the local conditions and practices at issue.


U.S. v. Colon-Solis, No. 01-1773 (1st Cir. 01/08/2004) (Judge Selya)

Last week we noted a recent Third Circuit decision, U.S. v. Phillips, 349 F.3d 138 (3rd Cir. 2003), in which that court held that the Supreme Court’s decision in Apprendi v. New Jersey, 530 U.S. 466 (2000) did not require the jury to determine the drug type and quantity attributable to each co-conspirator, so long as the jury finds, beyond a reasonable doubt, the drug type and quantity involved in the drug conspiracy as a whole.

That decision, which was consistent with similar decisions from the First, Fifth and Seventh Circuits, appeared to leave a gaping hole in the law regarding the sentencing of co-conspirators charged in a drug conspiracy - and, by implication, it raised questions about what type of findings the sentencing court must make before imposing sentences on each of the individual participants in a drug conspiracy.

The instant decision helps to fill in that gap, and stresses an important distinction between the jury’s role under Apprendi and the judge’s role in sentencing co-conspirators convicted of drug crimes.

In the instant case, the defendant was one of a number of defendants charged with conspiring to distribute drugs as a member of the La Cabra drug gang in Puerto Rico. The prosecutor stated only that the defendant had served as a runner “on occasion” for the leader of the gang and, as such, he had assisted in the packaging and delivery of drugs. However, the prosecutor did not allude in any way to specific drug weights.

On the eve of trial, the defendant (together with several co-defendants) decided to pled guilty. In so doing, the defendant admitted that the conspiracy had handled more than five kilograms of cocaine (the triggering amount for a ten year mandatory minimum sentence); but the change-of-plea proceedings “left open the question whether the appellant himself was responsible for a lesser drug quantity.”

At sentencing, the defendant argued that he should not be held responsible for five kilos of cocaine and that he should not be sentenced to the mandatory minimum sentence. The district court (Judge Fuste of the D.Puerto Rico) rejected that argument. Observing that “the indictment charged distribution of five kilograms or more of cocaine,” the court found that the defendant “had admitted to this ‘basic drug amount’ at the change of plea hearing.” On that foundation - “and that foundation alone” - the court found the defendant responsible for five or more kilos of cocaine and imposed a ten-year mandatory minimum sentence.

On appeal, the First Circuit reversed, holding that it was error for the sentencing court to have applied a per se rule that automatically attributed to the defendant the full amount of the drugs charged in the indictment. The Court phrased the issue of first impression before it as: “When a defendant admits that the conspiracy to which he belonged handled drug quantities sufficient to trigger a statutory mandatory minimum sentence, does he automatically become subject to that mandatory minimum without a further finding that the triggering amounts were attributable to, or foreseeable by, him?”

The Court then concluded: “We join several of our sister circuits in answering this question in the negative. Accordingly, we vacate the [defendant’s] sentence and remand for resentencing.” The Court explained:

“To be sure, we derive the applicable statutory maximum in a drug conspiracy case from a conspiracy-wide perspective. Nevertheless, we consistently have required a defendant-specific determination of drug quantity as a benchmark for individualized sentencing under the guidelines. . . . A mandatory minimum operates in much the same way. It is made potentially available by a finding that the conspiracy as a whole handled (or at least contemplated) the necessary triggering amount. But to apply the mandatory minimum to a particular coconspirator, the sentencing court must make a specific finding, supportable by a preponderance of the evidence, ascribing the triggering amount to that coconspirator.”


A Culture of Prosecutorial Misconduct

The Center for Public Integrity (CPI), a non-profit, investigative journalism organization based in Washington, D.C. (www.publicintegrity.org), has recently published a major study on prosecutorial misconduct in America. The lengthy, empirical study, entitled “Harmful Error: Investigating America’s Local Prosecutors,” which is available online, contains some revealing findings and conclusions.

CPI’s team of investigators and reporters, headed by Steve Weinberg, analyzed 11,452 state cases, dating back to 1970, in which charges of prosecutorial misconduct had been reviewed by appellate court judges.

[We found it interesting that no cases involving Federal prosecutors were examined - a fact which is, perhaps, an unwitting admission that there is virtually no meaningful oversight of misconduct by Federal prosecutors. The one body that has been granted authority to investigate Federal prosecutorial misconduct - the Department of Justice’s own internal and infamous Office of Professional Responsibility (OPR) - is renowned for its pathetic record of impotency and inaction - no matter how scurrilous the charges may be. See, e.g., "Above the Law: Secret Deals, Political Fixes, and Other Misadventures of the U.S. Department of Justice," by investigative reporter David Burnham, Scribner - New York, 1996.]

In the vast majority of the 11,452 cases analyzed in CPI’s study, the allegation of misconduct was either ruled harmless error or was not addressed by the appellate judges, and the convictions at issue stood. There were, however, 2,012 cases in which the courts cited prosecutorial misconduct as a factor that led to charges being dismissed at trial, the convictions reversed or the sentences reduced. There were an additional 513 cases in which appellate judges offered opinions - either in dissents or concurrences - in which they found prosecutorial misconduct serious enough to warrant additional discussion; and, in some of those cases, the dissenting judges wrote that the misconduct was serious enough to warrant a reversal.

There are many interesting aspects of this lengthy study, which is divided into seven major categories. For example, “Anatomy of Misconduct” explores the different types of prosecutorial misconduct that were studied; and “Actual Innocence” explores the cases of 32 innocent defendants who were wrongfully convicted because of prosecutorial misconduct and who were later exonerated after spending many years in prison.

Two of the most intriguing parts of the study are “Shielding Misconduct” and “Misconduct and Punishment,” which delve into the almost universally nonexistent or grossly ineffective measures taken to punish prosecutors who were found to have engaged in gross misconduct. Out of the 11,452 cases in which prosecutorial misconduct was alleged, some form of disciplinary action was taken in only 44 of such cases - a fraction that is almost too small to compute. Here’s what happened in those 44 cases:

That inglorious record of inaction speaks volumes about what CPI described as “the culture of prosecutorial misconduct” in America.


Scorecard Of Published Federal Criminal Cases Reviewed By Our Staff:

Court

This Week

Year to Date

Since 1996

Courts of Appeal

40

2,362

18,870

District Courts

33

1,439

 10,377


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